British Journal of Chinese Studies

Four ECR papers and Five Essays on the War in Ukraine

Gerda Wielander — 2023-01-28

The editors' introduction provides a brief overview of the response to our call for papers on Chinese studies and the War in Ukraine and celebrates a diverse set of research by early career researchers in Chinese studies.

Stay-at-home Fathers in Contemporary Chinese TV Dramas

Fei Huang — 2023-01-28

Stay-at-home fathers (SAHFs), as an emergent gendered identity, have recently featured in several family TV dramas in China. This article investigates the discourse of masculinity embodied by SAHFs in TV dramas, to provide a new perspective to academic debates about the cultural production of gender and hierarchy in contemporary China. In particular, it examines representations of SAHFs and their familial relationships in three popular TV programmes—Marriage Battle (Hunyin baoweizhan 婚姻保卫战, 2010), A Little Reunion (Xiao huanxi 小欢喜, 2019), and Super Dad and Super Kids (Xiong ba xiong haizi 熊爸熊孩子, 2017). Through the analysis of these three series, I identify a paradox in the televisual representations of SAHFs, that while the male characters all seemingly embody a new model of familial masculinity, namely a caring and sensitive figure, they still cling to patriarchal ideologies when negotiating family matters. My discussion of the paradoxical representations of SAHFs in the series offers an illustration of how patriarchal ideologies are sustained despite the ongoing renegotiation of gender roles within the Chinese family.

When the Chinese Dream Meets Chinese Dream Show

Sheng Qu — 2023-01-28

This paper primarily explores the manner in which China’s reality talent shows have rearticulated dream narratives surrounding the Chinese Dream political discourse. This has occurred in response to common perceptions of such shows as vulgar or culturally inappropriate, which themselves were a consequence of the post-2005 boom in popularity of Super Girl Voice. My analysis is contextualised within the ideological connotations of the Chinese Dream, and falls into three main sections. The first section investigates the discursive strategy of the Chinese Dream, which can be said to integrate Confucianism and nationalism into the framework of a neoliberal market so as to emphasise the consistency between national and individual dreams, as well as the important and positive aspects of market values in the socialist agenda of public affairs. The second and third parts examine a public interest talent show called Chinese Dream Show. Through a discourse analysis of this talent show, I argue that the show is neoliberal theatre with Chinese characteristics, wherein a discursive formula I call ‘public interest’ employs two intertwined discursive systems – neoliberal rationality and sentimentality – to narrate dream-realising stories that satisfy the needs of both political correctness and market interests.

Censorship and the Postal Service in China during World War One

Ling-chieh Chen — 2023-01-28

This paper focuses on the first state-organised nationwide postal censorship in China during World War I (WWI). The war had far-reaching effects on China, both in terms of the subsequent development of the internal political situation and her international relations. Although scholars share a meaningful view of China’s ‘internationalisation’ during and after WWI, the immediate impact on China is rarely discussed. One area where the war did have a significant effect was Sino-European postal communication, as this was probably the first time that mail was subjected to censorship in China. This research draws on material from the diplomatic archives to discuss how the nationwide postal censorship was established in China and how it impacted the public during the war. It argues that WWI was a crucial moment for the Chinese government in establishing a comprehensive and nationwide system of postal censorship. Censorship was a government policy for war purposes and, most of all, something that was requested by both China’s allies and enemies. This article suggests that this form of censorship during and after WWI overall reflects both that the Chinese government regarded it as a strategy to prevent information leakage, but that it was also a useful tool in domestic policy and diplomacy.

Courting Capitals

Lance Pursey — 2023-01-28

The simultaneous existence of five urban centres labelled as ‘capitals’ in the Liao dynasty by the late eleventh century has perplexed scholars who presume that the Liao court must have resided in one of these capitals as the courts of most conventional ‘Chinese’ empires did. However, the Liao court never permanently resided in any one of these capitals; the court practised ‘imperial itinerance’, wherein they moved around according to an often loosely seasonal pattern but primarily from political expedience. This paper argues that the primary-auxiliary model of capitals does not apply to the Liao and therefore that neither Shangjing, the Upper Capital, nor Zhongjing, the Central Capital, can be considered to have been primary capitals. Rather, the Liao court exercised ‘urban ambivalence’, defined here as a selective attitude to the role of capitals in statecraft. This is done by first examining the frequency and purpose of imperial visits to the capitals, and then exploring the semantics of the capital names Upper and Central. This reassessment of Liao capitals invites us to eschew normative frameworks concerning capitals derived from Chinese empires, and highlights the explanatory potential of agency over adherence to ideological models to understand the Liao court attitude to capitals.

Against a Monolithic “Chinese Perspective” on Ukraine

Kristy Amber Bryant — 2023-01-28

As the war in Ukraine wages on, China watchers continue their observations on the Chinese responses to Russia’s military assaults. Since its beginning, Western observers have been quick to jump to conclusions based on their assumptions about Sino-Russian relations and yet, while actions speak louder than words, it remains a challenge for many of them to describe precisely what China’s stance is. There are a number of contributing factors that explain why it is problematic to stereotype China’s position as Russia’s ally and, for the most part, these are overlooked in favour of maintaining the dangerous East versus West, authoritarianism versus democracy binary. This essay raises concern with the trend of essentialist takes on particularly sensitive issues and contexts, like the war in Ukraine, and argues for more reflexivity, meticulous scrutiny of sources, and nuanced analysis so as to account for greater nuance in academic interpretations and beyond. Highlighting the issue of ununified and variable official statements and mainstream media and the rising popularity of alternative sources, particularly social media influencers, this piece argues for more consideration regarding the diversity of voices within China.

A Call for Self-criticism in Defending Values

Christelle Genoud — 2023-01-28

From the beginning of the Russian invasion, Western countries have rallied behind Ukraine and the war narrative of defending democracy against authoritarianism. Nevertheless, this binary narrative has been of limited appeal to developing countries and authors have discussed how the revival of great power competition around this narrative risks reinforcing the democratic decline. Considering these limitations, how can the academic community work to counteract a return to the kind of binary thinking that has been reanimated by the Russian invasion of Ukraine? To answer this question, I draw a parallel between responses to the war in Ukraine and how Western countries are handling the issue of human rights in China, including the emergence of a binary narrative that pits Chinese against Western visions of these rights. I argue that Western countries’ lack of self-reflectivity in defending values has hindered a genuine engagement with their own weaknesses. These weaknesses have thus been exploited by authoritarian countries. As democracy - like human rights - has been invoked as much to question oppression as to legitimate the status quo and economic interests, there is a need for scholars to scientifically engage with the geopolitical motives for defending values. We should not shy away from such research because of fears of instrumentalisation by authoritarian countries, as self-criticism will help rebuild the legitimacy and credibility that democracies increasingly lack.

China's Ukraine Policy

John Gittings — 2023-01-28

China’s Ukraine policy is often blurred and ambiguous, and fails to provide answers to some important questions. However there are signs of growing disquiet over Russia’s invasion, and China can be said to be neutral in the strict legal sense. Those in the modern China field will find their expertise an advantage, and may have the opportunity to put questions to Chinese colleagues and friends.

Chinese Just War Theories?

Chia-Yu Liang — 2023-01-28

The article provides a new perspective for interpreting and criticising the reactions within the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, namely the Chinese conception of just war. By reviewing the formation of norms regarding armed conflicts in the writings of Mao Zedong, Zhao Tingyang, and Bai Tongdong, the article argues that there is a Chinese version of just war theory that is very different from the Western tradition regarding just cause and the resolution of conflicts. The article concludes that the PRC’s support for Russia could be very conditional, if not entirely impossible, from the perspective of Chinese just war theory.

Opinions toward the War in Ukraine among Global Chinese Communities

Yu Tao — 2023-01-28

The war in Ukraine has triggered varying responses from people with Chinese heritage worldwide. These responses to the war highlight the diversities within global Chinese communities. They also serve as a lens through which we can observe how different Chinese communities intersect and interact through the internet and social media in a globalised world. This paper creates a few snapshots of juxtaposing opinions on the war in Ukraine among global Chinese communities. It identifies three preliminary patterns underlying these diverse opinions, pointing to directions for subsequent empirical studies. It also discusses how opinions toward the war in Ukraine expose the complex and complicated diversities and connections among global Chinese communities, calling for more scholarly efforts to situate Chinese studies within the global context.